The rise of Islam in Africa

Introduction

With the core of the Islamic world originating in the Middle East, it is often forgotten that the majority of the world’s Muslims are in Asia, and that Islam predominates or is strongly represented in more than two-thirds of the African continent.

How was Islam brought to Africa?

The early contact of Islam with Africa began during the lifetime of the Prophet Muhammad. He taught the oneness of God and abolition of priesthood for the Arab polytheist society. The Qurasyh – the priestly class of the Arabs, who was during that time custodian of the Ka’ba, began to hunt him and his early followers. When their oppression went beyond limits, the prophet advised the Muslims to migrate and seek shelter in some other parts of the world. Acting on his advice, the first batch of Muslims migrated to Abyssinia (present day Ethiopia) and sought refuge with Negus, a Christian King of Abyssinia in the year 615. It was significant that the first shelter of early Muslims was in Africa. The Abyssinians was reported to receive Muslims with open arms; respect and admiration, especially the preaching on Mary, mother of Jesus leading affirm that this indeed was God’s revelations (Esposito, 2000, p. 306).

Between the 7th and 8th centuries, Arab traders and travelers (Arab expeditions), then African clerics, began to spread the religion along the eastern coast of Africa and to the western and central Sudan (literally, “Land of Black People”) (Esposito, 2000, p. 475), stimulating the development of urban communities. The first converts were the Sudanese merchants, followed by establishing communication with a few rulers and courtiers (Ghana in the 11th century and Mali in the 13th century) (Esposito, 2000, p. 477). The masses of rural peasants, however remained little touched. In the 11th century, the Almoravid intervention, led by a group of Berber nomads who were strict observers of Islamic law, gave the conversion process a new momentum in the Ghana Empire and beyond (Esposito, 2000, p. 476). However, the only written documents at our disposal for the period under consideration derive from Arab sources such as accounts by geographers’ al-Bakri and Ibn Battuta (Esposito, 2000, pp.478-479).

The process of Islamization began when rulers were the early recipient of Islamic influence, and the royal court mediated Islamic influence to the common people (Esposito, 2000, p. 506). In Sudan, three major states developed in the grasslands south of Nubia since 1500-Funj, Darfur and Wadai-where Islam was corporate and communal. All obedient subjects were considered Muslims, whatever their way of life, while disobedience implied rejection of the corporate Islam of the community, and therefore apostasy.

It should be taken note that given its negotiated practical approach to different cultural situations, a more appropriate ways to consider Islam in Africa in terms of its multiple histories rather than as a unified movement. The spread of Islam throughout the African continent was neither simultaneous nor uniform, but followed a gradual and adaptive path.

What kinds of processes were involved with the ‘conversion’ of Africans to Islam in the pre-modern period?

It is undeniable that Islam is deep rooted in African populations. In the pre-modern period, various kinds of processes were involved with the ‘conversion’ of Africans to Islam. The factors that explained the influence of Islam on the African world do not seem all determining, even if the combinations of all these factors in considered. One can however raise six factors which seem to better explain the success of ‘conversion’ of Africans to Islam in general. It is (1) Adaptation of Islam to the African context, (2) Its propagation by men of the word, (3) Its propagation by Africans, (4) Its presentation like a religion of transcendent power, (5) The social prestige attached to it and (6) Its community nature.

Islam did not arrive on a neutral ground in Africa. The populations were marked by cultural, social and religious values different from those brought by Islam, thus adaptation of Islam to the African context was necessary for the process of ‘conversion’ of Africans to Islam. For example, the Islamic monotheism is foreign with the design of God in the African traditional religions (Esposito, 2000, p. 305). But, with great flexibility, Islam adapted and then rooted in this setting. An attentive reading of the Qur’an shows how the testifying of a unique God does not “skim the ground” of the old religious world of Arabia, but organized differently in tackling the “roots and branches” of the pre-Islamic traditional religions back in Middle East. Islam thus draws its capacity of adaptation from its experiment with the Arab animist milieu of before its birth. Moreover, it contains many elements which were already practiced by the African populations. Islamic African rulers still undergo traditional rituals, that is a combination of Islamic and traditional elements were accommodated by Islam to the African context (Esposito, 2000, p.479). In addition, although it condemns the polytheism, Islam accepts the existence of goods and bad spirits. It recognizes their influence in the life of the men, and it admits that the dreams and the visions are a real contact with the spiritual world. The consultation of the soothsayers and the practices of magic for all kinds of reasons, which is a feature characteristic of the African traditions are recognized by Islam (Esposito, 2000, p. 479). Also, polygamy is one of these traditional elements accepted by Islam. Pre-Islamic customs persisted even at the court of rulers who fully committed to Islam, however in about 1500, the rulers of Songhay (Esposito, 2000, pp. 481-488), Kaem and Bornu (Esposito, 2000, pp. 491-494) attempted to reform Islam, with limited results.

Although Islam is a religion with a book, it is transmitted by the oral proclamation. It is always by this mode that it is still propagated today. As of the beginning, the first agents of Islamization on the African ground were more people of the word than of the writing, thus this process of communicating of transmitting Islamic teaching orally is a process in the ‘conversion’ of Africans to Islam. This phenomenon is significant when it is known that the cultures of Africa in general are always a culture of orality (Esposito, 2000, pp. 490-491). It is enough to see the importance that hold, such importance factor in the ‘conversion’ of Africans to Islam. The population being illiterate, this teaching mode of memorizing and reciting that propagation of Islam used, was very effective. Although the fact of knowing to read and write spreads today, this teaching mode is always effectively used by Muslims. The Muslim must memorize the Qur’an and be able to recite it and use his contents according to his needs. Islam is before all an oral religion and the African culture stresses more the oral than the writing.

The penetration of Islam on the territory of the Sub-Saharan Africa was the work of the Arab Islamized Berber tradesmen of North Africa (Esposito, 2000, pp. 475-476). But thereafter, its propagation was the work of a top-down approach within African communities itself by African tradesmen, rulers, preachers and reformers. This fact is of capital importance in dealing in the ‘conversion’ of Africans to Islam. This fact contributed to remove from Islam its character of foreign religion. Today still much of Africans, even intellectual, regard Islam as an African religion. One sees how much this factor contributed to the conversion of Africa in the Sub-Saharan African context. The first converts were the Sudanese merchants, followed by a few rulers and courtiers (Ghana in the 11th century and Mali in the 13th century) (Esposito, 2000, p. 477).

As of the beginning of Islam in Sub-Saharan Africa, the role of Arab, Berber and African “marabouts” was dominating (Esposito, 2000, pp. 475-476). With this expectation, the work of the marabouts could only facilitate the acceptance and the integration of Islam by the African populations. Esposito (2000) stated that “praying to Allah saved the Kingdom, whereas the sacrifices performed by local priest failed” (p. 477). Esposito (2000) cited that the king of the empire of Mali (XI Century) and his people converted to Islam because a Muslim missionary prayed for the rain whereas drought was endured on the country. The invocation of the local divinities had not changed anything. But after the prayer of the Marabout (an Islamic religious leader and teacher in West Africa, historically in the Maghreb), the rain would come. With this expectation, the work of the marabouts which substantiated Islam as a religion of transcendental power could only facilitate the acceptance and accelerated the process by which ‘conversion’ of Africans to Islam.
The growth of Islam went hand in hand with a new social force that perceived Islam as a religion of social prestige with the ‘conversion’ of Africans to Islam. Islam developed in its centre, playing a role of collective social understanding, which it is for an association of mutual protection and support or for the benefit of the collective success. Muslim of the middle social class did not choose Islam for religious reasons but for socio-economic reasons piously as stated in various part of Esposito (2000, pp. 475-507). Very few people of the middle social class and higher (rulers) practice their religion. They are there because of their socio-economic wellbeing is related to the Muslim community. The trade is still today the means for growing much rich. However, it is held and controlled by Muslims. Conversion to Islam then becomes the way to be able to enter their milieu and joined the commercial network (Esposito, 2000, p. 477). For these tradesmen, the religion represents a way, fraternal solidarity, perhaps a capacity likely to be moneyed in amulets, in divinatory practices in order to secure a socio-economic wellbeing. Islam is thus not only means to grow rich by the trade but also the way to acquire supernatural capacities in order to secure a social notoriety.

From the beginning, Muhammad wanted to turn Muslims into a single and fraternal community the Ummah (Esposito, 2000, p. 555). Although the various groups and tendencies within Islam show that this Ummah was not carried out, Islam still portrayed a social cohesion. One can speak about the existence of a Muslim solidarity. The greatest attraction of Islam lies in its community solidarity in which perhaps African saw this brotherhood solidarity enticing thus promotes the ‘conversion’ of Africans to Islam. Essentially, being Islamicate is like being in a super tribe called the Ummah. Thus, this community nature of Islam was, and still today, a socio-politic factor of its rooting in the African context in general.

The community bond is a very significant socio-cultural element in Africa. Islam came with this value, and contributed to maintain it during a time of individualism and selfishness vis-à-vis modernization. In short, it is the conjugation of these factors which allowed the rooting of Islam in Africa.

These 6 processes mentioned could have initiated or accelerated the ‘conversion’ of Africans to Islam in the pre-modern period. Conversion of Africans is rather complex because Islamic conversion is not due to a unified movement by rather multiples of histories circumstances followed by a gradual and adaptive path of Islam itself in accordance to the heart of African populations.

What were some of the ways that local communities in the region were reconfigured as Muslim communities?

The resistance to Islam was due to the representation of people and animals, the nature of Islam’s interaction with the visual arts of Africa was one in which Islamic forms were accommodated and adapted. Muslim clerics’ (marabouts) literacy and esoteric powers drew scores converts to Islam. Sub-Saharan Muslim clerics known as marabouts began fabricating amulets with Qur’anic verses (Esposito, 2000, pp. 506 & 485), which came to displace indigenous talismans and medicinal packets. These amulets are features in the design of many traditional African artifacts.

Islam also reinforced the Africa fondness for geometric design and the repetition of patterns in decorating the surface textiles and crafted objects. Local weaving may have been transformed with the importation of North African weaving techniques. Islam has also often existed side by side with representational traditions such as masquerading. Such practices have often been viewed as supplemental rather than oppositional to Islam, particularly when they are seen as effective or operating outside of the central concerns of the faith. An early example of this was noted by Ibn Battuta, the Maghreb scholar who visited Mali in 1352-1353 and witnessed a masquerade performance at the royal court of its Muslim king (Esposito, 2000, pp. 478-479).

In many areas of Africa, the coexistence of Islam with representational art forms continues today. Although Islam has influenced a wide range of artistic practices in Africa since its introduction, monumental architecture is the best preserved legacy of its early history on the continent. Mosques are the most important architectural examples of the tremendous aesthetic diversity generated by the interaction between African people and Islamic faith.

What were some of the key aspects of the new Muslim cultures and societies that were formed in the process?

Islamic political and aesthetic influences on Africa societies were reconfigured as Muslim communities. In the capital cities such as Ghana and Gao, the presence of Muslim merchants resulted in the establishment of mosques (Esposito, 2000, p. 476). The Malian King Mansa Musa ruled from 1312 to 1337 brought back from the pilgrimage to Mecca the architect al-Sahili, who is often credited with the creation of the Sudano-Sahelian building style (great mosque of Jenne). Musa’s brother, Mansa Suleyman, followed his path and encouraged the building of mosques with minarets, instituted public prayers and attracted Maliki scholars, in the development of Islamic learning (Esposito, 2000, p. 532). He even renounced the treatment of free women as slaves as it was forbidden by Islamic law. The alliance between kingship and Islam made Islam into an imperial cult and encouraged obedience to rulers. As national feasts the Islamic festivals accommodated such traditional ceremonies as the recitation of songs praising the king and the appearance of masks (Esposito, 2000, p. 479). Muslims was also exempted to kneel down and sprinkled with dust (Esposito, 2000, p. 479). Islam brought to Africa the art of writing and new technique of weighting.

The city of Timbuktu, for instance, flourished as a commercial and intellectual center, seemingly undisturbed by various upheavals. Timbuktu began as a Tuareg settlement, was soon integrated into the Mali Empire, then reclaimed by the Tuareg, and finally incorporated into the Songhay Empire. Sonni Ali of Songhay Empire combined elements of Islam with beliefs and practice of the Songhay traditional religion and was greatly respected as magician king (Esposito, 2000, p. 481). In the 16th century, the majority of Muslim scholars in Timbuktu were of Sudanese origin. On the continent’s eastern coast, Arabic vocabularies were absorbed into the Bantu languages to form the Swahili language (Esposito, 2000, pp. 504-505).

On the other hand, in many cases conversion for sub-Saharan Africans were probably a way to protect themselves against being sold into slavery, a flourishing trade between Lake Chad and the Mediterranean (Esposito, 2000, pp. 491-494). For their rulers, who were not active proselytizers, conversion remained somewhat formal, a gesture perhaps aimed at gaining political support from the Arabs and facilitating commercial relationships. The strongest resistance to Islam seems to have emanated from the Mossi and the Bamana, with the development of the Segu Kingdom. Eventually, sub-Saharan Africans developed their own brand of Islam, often referred to as “African Islam”, with a specific brotherhoods and practices.


Bibliography

1.Esposito, John L. et al. The Oxford History of Islam. New York: Oxford University Press, 2000. BP50 Oxf.